Publisher's Weekly Review
Two seminal thinkers anticipate the modern split between progressives and conservatives in this insightful study of 18th-century political theory. National Affairs editor Levin presents a lucid analysis of the ideological confrontation between Paine-a firebrand of the American and French Revolutions who championed a program of radical change that sought to reconstitute government on the basis of reason, equality and democracy-and Burke, the Irish statesman and British parliamentarian who defended the enduring value of tradition and hierarchy. In their jousting-the two men were acquainted and sometimes aimed broadsides at one another-Levin finds and elucidates fundamental issues in political philosophy: individual rights versus social obligations; the extent to which scientific rationalism and expertise can comprehend and regulate society; revolution and reform as competing modes of political change. Appropriately, Levin spends less time on Paine, whose creed of individual rights and representative government feels very up-to-date, than he does explicating Burke, whose rationales for monarchy and social subordination can seem antiquated and mystical; he succeeds in establishing the continued relevance of Burke's thought and prescient critique of revolutionary excesses. Levin's Paine and Burke don't line up perfectly along the Democrat/Republican divide, but he unearths the roots of latter-day convictions in their far-reaching argument. (Dec.) (c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved.
Kirkus Review
A conservative journalist traces our current sharp political schism back to the writings of conservative Edmund Burke (17291797) and liberal Thomas Paine (17381809). Despite his conservative credentials, National Affairs founder and editor Levin (Imagining the Future: Science and American Democracy, 2008) maintains a generally disinterested balance throughout--although at times it reads like an earnest term paper from a talented, assiduous student: standard comparison-contrast organization, lots of lengthy block quotations. He begins by noting how Burke and Paine first met (they dined together in 1788), their early amiable relations and their later fierce exchanges in print. Levin then provides a biographical sketch of each (adding more as the argument advances) before commencing to compare their philosophical and political positions. Paine, he shows, believed in man as a natural creature--and that governments should be more consistent with his nature and should rest on principles derived from reason. Burke, by contrast, argued that we must learn from the past, continue what works and gradually change what doesn't. These two basic approaches reoccur throughout the other topics Levin discusses: justice (the two men had very different notions of equality), obligation (Paine believed choice was more important), reason and prescription, revolution and reform, and our obligations to all generations, not just to the new, revolutionary one. Concluding, Levin chides both sides in today's acrimonious climate, pointing out weaknesses in their positions and emphases. The author has done a tremendous amount of research and seems to have read every major work by both figures, doing his best both to state their positions clearly (and fairly) and to note their relevance in today's America. He consigns to endnotes some of the subtleties and ambiguities of their positions. Some arresting reminders of our political past--would that Levin's prose featured some of the fire flaring from his principals' pens.]] Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.
Booklist Review
Why are conservatives conservative, and liberals liberal? Seeking out sources of the two casts of mind, Levin sifts through the political philosophies espoused by Edmund Burke and Thomas Paine. Their major writings, Reflections on the Revolution in France and Rights of Man, respectively, both premised their ideas about government and revolution on basic ideas about human nature and society. Engaging with these ideas, Levin endeavors to map the intellectual links that led Burke to be skeptical about radical political change and Paine to champion it. Paine reached his conclusions from a starting point that imagined people as autonomous individuals, who are rationally free to construct their society and design their government. Burke's concept was drastically different: reason is but a part of human nature, which includes passions, impulses, and appetites. Society and government cannot be entirely rational constructions but are, rather, evolutions through generations of experience; political change should, therefore, be gradual, not abrupt. Making intricate contrasts between Paine and Burke throughout, Levin perceptively demonstrates the philosophical routes to liberalism and conservatism for politics-minded readers.--Taylor, Gilbert Copyright 2010 Booklist
New York Review of Books Review
It is traditional to date the political terms "left" and "right" to the French Revolution, from the seating arrangements of the National Assembly. Levin's novelty is to define those terms by reference to the reactions of two English-speaking pamphleteers, Thomas Paine and Edmund Burke, who sought to understand that revolution as either an extension of or a contrast to their own countries' revolutions (of 1776 and 1688). Levin's purpose is to explicate the deep structure of left-right division within the context of the Anglo-American political tradition. An important implication is that Paine's radicalism is fully American, and not a foreign import as many other conservative intellectuals prefer to think. Another, probably not intended by the author, is that Burke's conservatism is surprisingly foreign. For those unfamiliar with Burke, it's bracing to encounter his peculiar liberal conservatism. For example, he argued that natural equality, a liberal premise he accepted, implied that hereditary aristocracy was superior to democracy. If all men are created equal, then seeking the most talented individuals for leadership was a fool's errand; better to choose people raised to govern. Levin, a contributing editor for The Weekly Standard and National Review, wants to identify contemporary progressives with Paine, and the American right as essentially Burkean. But has there ever been a less Burkean politics than that of a conservative party that fetishizes the inflexibility of a written constitution, idealizes Randian individualism and is powered by a culturally leveling populism? NOAH MILLMAN is a featured blogger on politics and culture for The American Conservative as well as its theater critic.